Columns 
Originally published on The Ukrainian Weekly
The Trump administration’s foreign affairs policy has not been beneficial for America nor for the rest of the world, including Ukraine. The United States has lost the confidence of our friends and allies, most consequentially, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union. Russian President Vladimir Putin and other enemies of freedom across the globe are gloating.
Ironically, America, which did the most to construct and maintain the post-1945 rules-based international order (the post-World War system of shared laws, agreements and institutions), is currently contributing to its unraveling.
The American-led rules based international system came in the aftermath of two obscenely devastating world wars that resulted in the deaths of between 70 and 85 million human beings, which originated and were largely fought in Europe (and where Ukraine was strategically central). The immediate post-World War II years saw the creation of the United Nations, NATO (the most successful international alliance in history), and economic institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. For all their flaws and shortcomings, these post-war alliances and multilateral institutions were responsible for an unprecedented era of global peace and prosperity.
Obviously there have been wars since 1945, as exemplified by Russia’s ongoing savage war against Ukraine. But in comparison to earlier periods in history, the last 80 years have been unusually peaceful. This has been especially evident in Europe, where near-constant wars were a defining feature throughout its pre-1945 history.
Today the administration of U.S. President Donald Trump seems to believe that displaying contempt for the international order and for “soft power” (using non-coercive means to further our global influence) somehow strengthens America’s foreign affairs policy and national security. In reality, peace and prosperity are not served by Mr. Trump’s actions and rhetoric. His approach ultimately benefits the world’s most evil and rapacious actors to whom this international system is anathema.
One doesn’t enhance our foreign affairs policy and national security by cutting off humanitarian and other forms of valuable foreign aid, notably by disemboweling USAID (I remind readers that Ukraine was by far the largest single-country USAID aid recipient following Russia’s 2022 invasion). One doesn’t do it by eroding America’s soft power institutions such as the Voice of America – including its acclaimed Ukrainian Service – or curtailing funding to organizations that promote democracy, human rights, civil society and the rule of law. One does not do it by undermining our diplomacy institutions. It’s no accident that morale in the State Department is at an all-time low. One doesn’t do it by pulling out of multilateral institutions, including many U.N. agencies. And one certainly doesn’t do it by insulting and abusing our friends in Canada and Europe – countries that have made the United States safer, stronger, wealthier and, because of our shared values, more virtuous.
I’m not naïve. Every human institution, by definition, is flawed to varying degrees. That goes for post-World War II international institutions like NATO, the E.U., the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), and especially the U.N. But I would argue that, despite their deficiencies and the need for revamping, these entities have largely been forces for good in the world. As has the United States. For all our shortcomings, missteps and inconsistencies, the world has been far better off because of America’s commitment to freedom, human rights, democracy and the rule of law. The positives far outweigh the negatives.
Mr. Trump’s wanting to go back to the law of the jungle, where might makes right and the strong dominate the weak, is a major challenge to the rule based international order. Yes, some foreign affairs policy decisions that Mr. Trump has made have not been advantageous to Putin, but, overall, the weakening of the global order serves his interests. And not only Putin’s – but the interests of all authoritarian regimes like China, Iran, North Korea and others.
Mr. Trump’s questioning of the value of NATO and threats and criticism against our closest partners only weaken international cohesion. His intimidation of Greenland, belittlement of Canada and denigration of the contributions of Europeans who fought and died with us in Iraq and Afghanistan, while at the same time going easy on our foes, do not foster peace. Quite the opposite.
Take Ukraine as the prime example: What incentive does war-criminal Putin have to make any concessions whatsoever for a peace deal if he sees disunity and strife within the West, with the biggest kid on the block often bullying the smaller kids? And this is while our Western partners increasingly stand with the victim of Russia’s brutal aggression, while Mr. Trump all too often caters to the number one violator of the post-World War II international order: Putin.
How long will Mr. Trump continue to hurt America’s standing in the world? Is the damage being done permanent? It may not be. Or at least it’s not an inevitability. There is considerable pushback from our democratic friends and allies, and a recognition among many Americans that Mr. Trump’s approach is not in our interests and is at odds with values we espouse. We are already seeing a few modest indications that Congress may not be ready to radically change the way we have been doing things in the last eight decades.
Recently passed major legislation, the National Defense Authorization Act, generally reinforces the traditional U.S. foreign affairs policy posture rather than the more outlier elements of Trump-era thinking. Also, the just-passed government funding bill increases foreign aid funding over what the administration wanted, and protects several soft-power programs, albeit at significantly lower levels than before.
One final thought: The best way to restore respect for America and for the post-World War II rules-based system that it has led is to resolutely support the country that is doing the most to protect and defend that very system. That country is Ukraine.
Orest Deychakiwsky may be reached at orestdeychak@gmail.com.