Columns 
Originally published on The Ukrainian Weekly
Not providing desperately needed assistance to Ukraine would be a radical departure from Congress’ historical bipartisan support for Ukraine’s freedom. And the stakes have never been higher – for Ukraine, for the United States, and for European and global security.
So why do I say this? Where are we now, and what can we do?
Even before Ukraine gained its independence in 1991, Congress pressed Moscow to release imprisoned Ukrainian human rights activists, who constituted a disproportionate share of Soviet political prisoners. It called on Moscow to legalize the Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church, at the time the largest banned religious denomination in the world. Congress passed legislation encouraging a reluctant Bush Administration to recognize Ukraine’s independence. Post-independence, Congress has provided substantial aid to bolster Ukraine’s independence and democracy.
I witnessed this up close while working for 35 years at the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (aka the U.S. Helsinki Commission), whose membership consists of both U.S. Senators and Representatives. It did not matter one iota if they were Democrats or Republicans, conservative, centrist or liberal – all were united in supporting freedom and democracy in Ukraine. And there were no divisions when it came to calling Moscow out for its numerous violations of international agreements, be it in Russia itself, Ukraine or elsewhere.
We live in a different world now.
While the Senate, after a torturous process filled with twists and turns, has manifested this bipartisan commitment to Ukraine, funding languishes in the House. As President Joe Biden has said, “History is watching the House of Representatives. The failure to support Ukraine at this critical moment will never be forgotten; it’s going to go down in the pages of history. … This has to happen. We have to help now. We have to realize that we’re dealing with [Russian President Vladimir] Putin.”
The initial version of the Senate supplemental foreign aid package on Ukraine, Israel and the Indo-Pacific included changes to secure our southern border, which Republicans had demanded be included in exchange for their votes. But this legislation failed in early February, notwithstanding that it had some of the toughest border security provisions in decades. A major factor in its defeat was Donald Trump’s opposition, who complained that border reforms would help President Biden and the Democrats politically. I feel sorry for Sen. James Lankford (R-Okla.), a staunch conservative who spent months negotiating the border compromise, only to be abandoned by most of his Republican Senate colleagues.
In any event, the Senate, on February 12, after an almost unheard-of Super Bowl Sunday weekend session, and minus the border provisions, voted to support a massive $95 billion aid package with $60 billion of that for Ukraine. The vote was 70-29, including nearly half of Republican Senators. Unfortunately, the lack of border language made it dead on arrival in the House, with Speaker Mike Johnson saying that border issues need to be addressed before any foreign aid is approved.
As I write this, Mr. Johnson – under pressure from his MAGA isolationist wing, and with the anti-Ukraine-aid Trump lurking ominously in the background – refuses to put the aid package up for a floor vote. Such a vote would have a high likelihood of success, enjoying support from nearly every Democrat and a substantial number of Republicans.
But there are countervailing pressures to those opposing assistance, including from pro-Ukraine House Republicans. Alternatives are being actively discussed, including compromise legislation with reduced aid (in Ukraine’s case, $48 billion vs. $60 billion), but that includes border security language. Also being discussed as a “nuclear option” is a discharge petition, a rarely used procedural gambit to force a floor vote.
I do not envy the speaker from a political perspective, but here is his chance to do the right thing – to be a real statesman, a true leader.
It would be a tragic abandonment of Congress’ long-standing bipartisan support for Ukraine’s freedom if one wing of one party, largely in one chamber, were to block funding for Ukraine at this critical time.
As Ukrainians are fighting not only for their freedom and security but also ours, Congressional inaction would be a profound betrayal of our national interests, the rules-based international order and the values we have long espoused.
If there were ever a time to advocate – specifically, to contact your Representative in Congress – the time is now.
Organizations such as Razom for Ukraine and the American Coalition for Ukraine, the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA), the Ukrainian National Information Servive (UNIS), the Ukrainian National Women’s League of America (UNWLA) and others have mounted campaigns urging grassroots advocacy. These organizations provide specific suggestions on steps people can take that even make it easy to do so.
If you have not already made it your practice to make your voice heard with your Representative in Congress, please do not hesitate to do so. Your message, either via phone or email, should be short and sweet – simply urging them to support aid for Ukraine is sufficient. Even if your House member has a solid track record of support, it never hurts to thank them and encourage further support. It’s a form of reinforcement, of letting them know that, as a constituent, you have their back.
Having been involved in policy advocacy both in and out of government for half a century, I’ve found that all too often people think that their voice doesn’t matter. It does. Every little bit helps. It’s not enough just to write comments on email chains or on social media or to think someone else will do it so you do not need to. It’s not enough to just wish or pray that Ukraine obtains this desperately needed funding. In fact, think of advocacy on behalf of Ukraine fighting for its freedom and very existence against a brutal, evil aggressor, as a noble form of prayer and a way to practice what we preach.
Orest Deychakiwsky may be reached at orestdeychak@gmail.com